Jerusalem: What's The Deal?

Posted on Tue, Dec 26, 2017 @ 06:17 PM


What is the significance of the US recognizing Jerusalem as Israel's capital, and moving its embassy there from Tel Aviv?

Every six months for more than 20 years, each succeeding US administration has had to choose whether to make this move. It’s the result of a 1995 law passed by the US Congress requiring the embassy’s relocation. In order for it to take effect, the president must agree or sign a six-month waiver. None of the three preceding presidents have been willing to forgo security concerns and order the move. But recently Donald Trump announced the transfer, albeit delayed for a couple of years.

Recognizing Jerusalem as Israel’s capital is something no other nation has done in the 70 years since the declaration of statehood. This really is the crux of the issue. Can the whole city be declared the capital of one side of this conflict without a peace accord? Let’s consider what led to this.

Following the end of the First World War and the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, the British government stepped in to bring security to the region. But it would not be easy. Jerusalem was the capital of British-governed Palestine and often the center of activity.

Over the next 20 years Britain’s commitment to her peace-keeping role changed, and she chose to relinquish power to the United Nations in 1947. The UN proposed to divide the territory between Jews and Palestinians and make Jerusalem a separate internationalized city under UN trusteeship. David Ben-Gurion, Israel’s future prime minister, was willing to give up on the whole of Jerusalem as the capital of the new state, but rather than having the city internationalized, he wanted to partition it.

This is in fact what happened as a result of the ensuing war between invading Arab armies and the new state of Israel.

With the 1949 ceasefire, Jerusalem was divided by a green line on the armistice map. The western part of the city became Israel’s de facto capital, later housing its parliament building, the Knesset. But it was never internationally recognized. The eastern half, including the Old City with its holy sites, came under Jordanian control. Jews could no longer reach the Western Wall to pray. That’s how things were until the Six Day War in 1967, when Israel was attacked and unexpectedly captured a large swathe of territory, including East Jerusalem and the Old City.

And that’s when Jerusalem took on renewed significance in Israeli thinking, as confirmed in an interview I did a few years ago with Bernard Wasserstein, a noted scholar of modern Jewish history. He said, “The centrality of Jerusalem in Zionist ideology probably really dates only from 1967. There was very little demand in Israel or in the Jewish world between 1948 and 1967 for any campaign to liberate Jerusalem or for irredentist capture of the eastern part of the city. There were complaints, of course, about the Jordanian refusal to allow Jews to pray at the Western Wall or to visit the ancient Jewish cemetery on the Mount of Olives, as had been laid down in the Israeli-Jordanian armistice agreement in 1949. But these were part of the general grievances to do with the continuing state of war between the two countries. They weren’t really central to Zionist demands or thinking at that time. From June 1967 onward, Jerusalem became very central.”

Israel’s “eternal and undivided capital” is a phrase often used today in the political sphere. It has a religious sound about it and makes a claim to more than a certain physical permanence. But it’s really only a feature of the past 50 years.

Wasserstein also said that “1967 was a kind of religious moment even for secular Jews. Zionism became a kind of secular religion for many Jews in the Diaspora, particularly in the period between 1967 and perhaps the early 1980s. They had shuffled off much of their religious devotion, but they were looking for some nonreligious form of connection to their heritage and found it in Zionism. And in the stones of the Western Wall—the very physical relics of Jewish history that were captured at that moment—they found a focus for that kind of secular religious devotion.”

From the biblical point of view, Abraham, the progenitor of both the Israelites and several of the Arab peoples, never had a capital. About 400 years later, following their exodus from Egypt, Abraham’s Israelite descendants centered their administration not at Jerusalem but first at Shiloh, in what later became Samaria. It was another 300 years before Jerusalem, then a small hilltop Jebusite city, was captured by Israel’s king David and made his capital.

The time came four centuries later when the people of Judah were taken captive by the Babylonians under Nebuchadnezzar. After an 18-month siege of Jerusalem, he burned the city and its temple, laying it waste for 70 years. Though some returned to rebuild the city and a Jewish kingdom was established, the Romans destroyed the city and the temple once again in 70 CE. Between then and 1917—that’s a span of more than 1,800 years—Jerusalem was not a Jewish city. And so we come to today, when it’s in Israeli hands but divided between Jews and Palestinians.

While there are biblical prophecies that speak about Jerusalem as the center of God’s future kingdom on the earth for all peoples, the time for that has clearly not yet come. The prophet Isaiah says: “Now it shall come to pass in the latter days that the mountain of the Lord’s house shall be established on the top of the mountains, and shall be exalted above the hills; and all nations shall flow to it. Many people shall come and say, ‘Come, and let us go up to the mountain of the Lord, to the house of the God of Jacob; He will teach us His ways, and we shall walk in His paths.’ For out of Zion shall go forth the law, and the word of the Lord from Jerusalem” (Isaiah 2:2–3). 

But now is simply not that time. The best that can be achieved in today’s world is through a creative, diplomatic solution, which would allow all the current residents space to grow and develop in peace and security. And that is what most government leaders know to be the answer. Indeed, such a framework already exists.

According to Wasserstein, “a draft agreement was already reached on October 31, 1995, between two senior accredited negotiators of the Israeli and Palestinian governments. It provided for essentially Arab control of Arab-inhabited areas and Jewish control of Jewish-inhabited areas. It wasn’t a complete agreement, but it remains on the table and it formed the basis of the proposals that were made by [Ehud] Barak with the effective approval of President Clinton at Camp David in the summer of 2000. My feeling is that that is going to be the basis of any agreement reached about Jerusalem, not because I happen to think it’s fair or sensible, but because it is the only agreement that brings the politics of Jerusalem into some form of harmony with its existing social geography. That is a fact that no amount of hot air about Jerusalem being more important to this religion or that religion can change.”

Can Jerusalem become a city of peace, undivided in this era? With sufficient political will on both sides, eventually yes. Will it ever be eternally a city at peace? Yes, but as we’ve seen, that is for a future time. For more on this subject, see Vision’s special report and the video version of "Jerusalem: What's the Deal?"

Tags: Israeli-Palestian conflict, 1967 June War, Jerusalem debate

Latent Forces of Identity and Ideology Released by 1967 June War

Posted on Wed, May 09, 2007 @ 03:51 PM
A new watershed in the Middle East conflict came with the capture of East Jerusalem.

Shlomo Goren blows the shofar on the  Temple MountGeneral Shlomo Goren, military chaplain, was one of the first Israelis to reach the Temple Mount in 1967. Two years later, he became Israel’s chief rabbi (1969–79). On June 7th he blew the shofar and prayed intensely. He also suggested to Major General Uzi Narkiss that the latter could go down in history by taking a hundred kilos of explosive and destroying the Muslim shrine, the Dome of the Rock.

This was revealed thirty years later when Narkiss was dying and told a newspaper reporter the story. The power of identity and the power of the historic moment possessed Goren. He said to Narkiss: “You don’t grasp the immense meaning of this. This is an opportunity that can be exploited now, this minute. Tomorrow it will be impossible.”

 It was Goren’s conviction that the Jewish temple should be rebuilt. In this he was supported by the minister of religious affairs, Zerach Warhaftig, who held that the Jews own the Temple Mount as a result of the Israelite King David’s purchase from Araunah the Jebusite.

The capture of the Old City set in motion many radical changes to meet the Israelis’ newly released latent identification with their holy places. Using the language of latency and identification, Israeli author A.B. Yehoshua wrote, “The Six Day War was labelled ‘the Jewish War,’ and with good reason, for the old Jewish spirit within us was roused like a ghost.”

On June 19, Israeli foreign minister Abba Eban addressed the U.N. General Assembly. He spoke in detail about the origins of the war and its outcome. With respect to Jerusalem he said:

"In our nation’s long history there have been few hours more intensely moving than the hour of our reunion with the Western Wall. A people had come back to the cradle of its birth. It has renewed its link with the mystery of its origin and continuity. How long and deep are the memories which that reunion evokes."

Evidence of the power of identity and ideological elements when they reemerge after long periods is found in the reactions of many Israelis who visited the Wall soon after its capture. Israeli scholar, Arthur Hertzberg wrote:

"Within hours of the conquest of the Old City, generals who had seldom, if ever, been to synagogue were disregarding snipers’ bullets and walking toward the Western Wall. They were not embarrassed to follow the time-honored custom of writing prayers on chits of paper and pushing them into the crevices of the Western Wall or of kissing its stones."

Since 1967 the Wall has become a national icon for most Israelis, the location of civil and national ceremonies, concerts, and the swearing in of elite army units. Revering the Wall, the Temple Mount and historic Jerusalem is, for most, not a matter of practicing the Jewish religion but rather an essential aspect of national identity rooted in the history and religious tradition of the Jewish people.

David Hulme


Tags: jerusalem, middle east, Dome of the Rock, identity, Old City, conflict, 1967 June War, Israeli, Palestinian, Shlomo Goren